Valley Breeze

The Valley Breeze Pawtucket 02-03-2016

The Valley Breeze Newspapers serving the Northern Rhode Island towns of Cumberland, Lincoln, Woonsocket, Smithfield, North Smithfield, Pawtucket, North Providence, Scituate, Foster, and Glocester

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18 OPINION FEBRUARY 3-9, 2016 | VALLEY BREEZE | PAWTUCKET EDITION By H. PHILIP WEST JR. Contrary to the lofty lessons many of us learned in school about how bills become law, state legislatures routinely trade bills like horses – or hostages. Citizen advocates who hope to translate their visions into law must understand this ritual. Rhode Island's 2015 General Assembly session ended abruptly when the last dance between House and Senate leaders broke down. Scores of bills dropped into limbo: bridge repairs, charter schools, college funding, welfare fraud, lobbying, electronic voter regis- tration, chicken coop size, medical marijuana, immunity for Good Samaritans in drug cases, and others. Horse trading may include compromises between different versions of bills or bills on entirely different topics. With lists in hand, House and Senate leaders meet behind closed doors to bluff and barter like merchants in a bazaar. In August 1996, House Majority Leader George Caruolo leaned on the Senate to pass his Utility Restructuring Act. Caruolo wanted consumers to pay off $930 million in "stranded costs" to utility companies. His proposal prompted widespread opposition from energy experts, consumer advocates, and reform groups. James Malachowski, who chaired the Public Utilities Commission, warned that the legislation would raise electric bills, stall competition, and allow local utilities to reap windfall profits. (Within months, Malachowski's salary got slashed, sending a shockwave mes- sage through state government: Never cross legislative leaders. Years after Malachowski left state government, the state Supreme Court ruled in his favor.) To assure passage of Caruolo's utility legisla- tion, House leaders held hostage a high-priority Senate bill by Cranston Sen. Thomas Izzo that would toughen enforcement of a ban on tobacco sales to children. Despite vocal objections during debate, senators approved Caruolo's bill, which was duly stamped and marked. In an extraordinary gesture, then- Senate Corporations Committee Chair William Irons personally carried it across the rotunda and handed it to Caruolo, who then okayed final House passage of Izzo's anti-smoking leg- islation. In 1998, House leaders rammed through leg- islation sponsored by Deputy House Majority Leader Peter Kilmartin to create a Cancer Council: a nine-member board with "exclusive responsibility" for cancer research funds flow- ing into Rhode Island. Like Rhode Island's scandal-prone Lottery Commission, the pro- posed Cancer Council would have had three members named by the speaker, three by the Senate majority leader, and three by the gov- ernor. Public opposition from the American Cancer Society, the R.I. Medical Society, Brown University Medical School, the Hospital Association, Lifespan, and Common Cause stalled the proposed Cancer Council briefly in the Senate. Despite numerous objections, House leaders demanded its passage, and only four senators dared to vote against it. In an eloquent veto message, Gov. Lincoln Almond wrote that he "wholeheartedly" sup- ported the goals of "providing cancer care, research, prevention, detection, and education" but that he must veto the legislation "because its legislative appointment provisions violate the constitutionally mandated separation of powers." The General Assembly never came back to override Almond's veto, and Rhode Island's 2004 Separation of Powers Amendment ended the centuries-old practice of legislative leaders naming members of boards that execute state laws. Legislative sessions often end with lobbyists trying frantically to move stuck bills. Senators and representatives fan themselves during sti- fling recesses, while their leaders haggle over lists of bills each chamber wants passed. I once asked a legislative staff member who had attended these conclaves about the "horse trad- ing." " 'Horse trading?' " He guffawed. "It's hos- tage-taking." Citizen advocates – whatever their legislative goals – need to understand the tough bartering that overshadows the final hours of virtually every General Assembly session. During the rush toward adjournment, bills that range from trivial to historic wind up as chits on the trad- ing table. While public pressure may win passage of needed bills before the final crush, significant bills inevitably become hostages. Citizen lobby- ists must work with enlightened governors and brave legislators to help our General Assembly serve the public interest. That effort seldom ends before midnight on the last caffeine-fueled night of the session. H. Philip West Jr. served 18 years as executive director of Common Cause Rhode Island and is the author of "Secrets & Scandals: Reforming Rhode Island, 1986-2006." Horse trading or hostage taking? GOP now spelled 'NRA' The Republican Party has become a front for the National Rifle Association (NRA). Its arguments against any gun con- trol border on the absurd. Now this comment, no doubt, will bring me wide- spread condemnation from the gun reactionar- ies populating this state but the arguments against the most sensible curbs proposed by President Barack Obama are mere confections. Take, for example, the President's move to expand back- ground checks to cover more firearms sold at gun shows, online and anywhere else. If somebody is in the business of selling guns as opposed to isolated sales, regardless of where he or she sells the guns for profit, regulations will designate them as gun dealers. This appellation angers gun enthusiasts who counter that criminals always get guns. The reason why that argument is correct is because upwards of 40 percent of guns are sold without any background checks hence their availability to the bad guys. It's the very opposition to any regulations by the NRA which makes the argument a tru- ism. The reality is that criminals in so-called strict gun regu- latory states purchase their firearms in states with loose regu- lation. While NRA supporters tote the fact that strict gun control doesn't work as evidenced by jurisdictions that have strict laws but multiple gun-related deaths, the fact is that the NRA opposition to background checks enhances the problem of access by criminals or mentally ill people who purchase without any background checks across the border or online because they can do so. The ultimate ludicrousness of the Republican opposition becomes apparent when Congress refuses to ban purchases of guns by those on the terrorist watch list. The argument there is that some people may be mistakenly on that list. So what? There is an avenue to get your named removed but talk about the tail wagging the dog. It's the same stupid argument that Democrats make about background checks for illegal immigrants in job-hiring. Because there might be a few errors and the system isn't 100 percent perfect then you shouldn't do any check. In both instances the politicians who espouse these respective views have sold their souls to special interests. Unless something is a 100 percent "cure" for a problem, the NRA remains opposed to the effort. Of course, nothing in life is a perfect antidote to any ills at such a success rate. Yet, whether it is any other social issue like registering a car which is safe and insured or warnings on cigarette labels, perfection is not the standard. Why the public accepts this pablum that murders will still occur is one of the puzzles of life. So is the opposition to smart technology where only the owner can shoot the gun. Instead of looking at the lives saved by kids not being able to discharge their parents' weapons or a thief being able to use a purloined gun, the argument is that the owner may have a problem someday. Now the state of Texas is being praised for letting people wear firearms on their person. One only needs to read a little history about the Old West to see how that capability curbed violence. Republican Texas Governor Greg Abbott's comment, "Obama wants to impose more gun control. My response? Come and take it." Personally, I am not pleased by the expansion of executive powers but the do-nothing Republicans have created this monster. How discouraging. Violet is an attorney and former state attorney general. Poli-Ticks ARLENE VIOLET Tom Ward's column will return next week. Volume VII, Number 20 February 3, 2016 Thomas V. Ward, Publisher tward@valleybreeze.com James Quinn, Deputy Publisher jquinn@valleybreeze.com Marcia Green, Editor-in-Chief mgreen@valleybreeze.com Karen Buckley, Advertising Director kbuckley@valleybreeze.com Barbara Phinney, Controller accounting@valleybreeze.com Breeze THE VALLEY @ valleybreeze.com ABOUT US The Valley Breeze Newspapers are a locally owned and operated group of free weekly news - papers serving the people of Cumberland, Lincoln, North Smithfield, Woonsocket, Smithfield, Scituate, Foster, Glocester, North Providence, Pawtucket, R.I., and Blackstone, Mass. Each Thursday, 62,300 copies are distributed to retailers, banks, offices, and restaurants and other busy spots. Circulation is audited by the Circulation Verification Council of St. Louis, Mo. and has earned its "Gold Standard Award." OUR MISSION It is the Mission of The Valley Breeze to facilitate a positive sense of community among the resi - dents of Northern Rhode Island by providing a forum for the free exchange of ideas, and to provide information of local events and neighbors. It is our further Mission to provide the highest quality advertising at the lowest possible cost to retailers, professionals, tradespersons, and other service providers in order to enhance the economi c well-being of our community.

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